D'Iatchenko V. I. & David F. 2010. — Usages ordinaires et rituels de la viande dans le bassin de l'lénisseï : l'exemple du renne et du mouton. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 11-23.grave;

Ordinary and ritual uses of meat in Ienisei Basin: The example of reindeer and sheep

On the territory of Ieniseï in Central Siberia live people of different linguistic families, from the North to the South: Samoyed, Tungus and others of Turkish languages. Reindeer and sheep are essential as resources in subsistence and in the economy of the region. We tried to show similarities in acquisition and consumption of the meat and the lack of limit between ordinary and ritual practices.

Goepfert N. 2010. — The llama and the Deer: dietary and symbolic dualism in the central Andes. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 25-45.

The domestication of camelids, llamas and alpacas, took place between 6000 and 5500 BP in the central Andes. These animals played a fundamental role in the development of pre-Hispanic societies. Among the Mochica (100–800 AD), a coastal culture of northern Peru, the meat consumed mainly consisted of camelids and guinea pigs but also deer, fish and shellfish. However, these wild creatures were not used in funerary rites, especially those involving the symbolic food of the dead. The latest ethnohistorical and ethnographic data confirm the continuity of these ritual practices. The llama has remained, up to our day, the only animal which may be consumed at special events, such as funerary meals or propitiatory ceremonies. This occurs in particular at Carnival, when the heart and the lungs of a sacrificed llama are offered, burned and symbolically consumed by the Apu (spirits of the mountain), the Pachamama (the Earth Mother) and the Tio (tutelary divinity of the mine). We will attempt to understand how the absence of wild animals in these rites corresponds to ancient cultural traditions, reuniting and opposing the terrestrial world and that of the divinities, the domestic world and the wild, this conceptual whole being a guarantee of order and continuity for the society.

Trabelsi-Bacha H. 2010. — Ras al-^cām et Achoura: deux fêtes carnées en Tunisie dans leur rapport aux rituels. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 47-58.

Ras al-cām and Achoura: Two meat-eating feasts in Tunisia

Ras al-^cām and Achoura are two feasts which inaugurate the new year of Hegira. They are celebrated at a ten-day interval and commemorate historic and mythic events, from Noah's ark coming on board till Hussein's murder passing by the Prophet Muhammad's Exodus towards Medinah. In Tunisia, food rites represent the central aspect of these feasts, namely, the dried-meat (taken on the sheep of Aïd Al-adha) consumption for Ras Al-ām and of the farm-cock sacrifice for Achoura. This paper tries to examine the origins of the beliefs close to these two feasts. In the first part, it describes, and analyzes preparation, cooking, and consumption phases of the dried-meat. In the second, it studies the causes behind the exceptional status of the farm chicken and analyzes its cooking and consumption rituals at Achoura's day.

Rodier C. 2010.— De la rareté d'une consommation à l'élaboration d'une norme : le halal ou comment l'exceptionnel devient banal. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 59-66.

From scarce consumption to development of a norm: Halal, or how exception becomes ordinary

Within the framework of a study about the consumption of halal foodstuff among a Moroccan, more specifically Berber population settled at Hombourg-Haut, in the department of Moselle, we had a closer look to the changes which occurred in their food practice since they arrived in France, that is in the early seventies, when they went to work in the coal basin of Lorraine. The scope is not to find out whether the cuisine of these Berber immigrants was « modernized » or not, but to have a closer look at a few poles around which the identity of these groups is built up in different aspects. The Berber pole bears the native identity of the group. The meals of these Berbers were mainly vegetarian by necessity rather than taste. The daily meal was made of a cereal porridge, which could be served with some vegetables. For our informants, meat was scarce as it was expensive. They mention no more than « a few times per year ». Meat was a celebration food and was not a daily consumption. As far as halal is concerned, this concept was a matter of tradition, without a practical meaning in Berber culture. It is interesting to note that halal today comes out of a concept which the second and third generation imagined to rule and code a meat consumption which initially was scarce and exceptional.

Gélard M.-L. 2010. — « Mon sel dans ton ventre » Accord, agrégation et identité par la consommation de nourriture carnée dans le Sud-Est marocain. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 67-76.

“My salt in your belly”. Agreement, binding and identity by meat consumption in South Western Morocco

In South western Morocco (Saharian region of Merzouga, Tafilalt) collective meat consumption materialize group identity, (village community in this case) which is periodically actualized. Thus the saying “my salt in your belly” allows us to analyze some meals with meat which take place in an aleatory occurrence frame: from the exceptional consumption of a wounded animal (dromedary) to agreement between individuals or groups (collective works and inauguration) and together with meals where hospitality rules transgression (buying instead of gift and consumption of illicit stolen meat) lead to creation of specific matrimonial prohibition between groups (fractions).

Cabalion S. 2010. — Des catégories animales aux catégories sociales : ordinaire et extraordinaire en matière de consommation de viande chez les Touaregs (Tagaraygarayt, Niger).Anthropozoologica 45(1): 77-99.

From animals' categories to social categories: ordinary and extraordinary in consumption of meat among the Tuaregs (Tagaraygarayt, Niger)

Tuareg people (condeferation of Tagaraygarayt, Niger) classify their animals by comparing their behaviours with the ones of humans, thereby applying an anthropocentric reading grid to the animal world. They distinguish animals living in the bush from the ones living in the camp, animals devouring their livestock and those who spare it, etc. As Muslim people, they also differentiate licit species (halal) and illicit ones (haram). At last, certain animals are perceived and termed as noble whereas others are despised and associated to human beings of lower social status. These multiple criterions are useful to the classification of animals as well as of meats. They also do influence the mode of consumption. But they also often amalgamate and confuse, in each mode of animal categorization, animals which are consumed and others that are not (or only by certain social categories or age groups). They aren't therefore enough to understand, alone and in an absolute manner, how the consumption of a meat can be considered ordinary or extraordinary. Among the Tuaregs, the notion of restraint or t∂karakit organizes relations between human beings, but also their relation to meat. This notion appears central, as it will enable us to distinguish what results from the realm of the ordinary, or what results from the realm of the extraordinary in matters of meat consumption.

Boulay S. 2010. — Statut d'exception du Mulet jaune dans la société maure (Mauritanie) : gibier des pêcheurs imrâgen, viande des pasteurs nomades. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 101-114.

Flathead mullet and its status of exception in Moorish society (Mauritania): game for Imragen fishermen, meat for pastoralists

For at least five centuries, Flathead mullet (Mugil cephalus Linné, 1758) has been fished on the Atlantic Coast of Mauritania, in the Banc d'Arguin area, by a few imragen families, who distinguish themselves amongst Moorish people by the practice of a seasonal fishing. The mullet is also subject to singular consumption practices: every year, pastoralist families from the Atlantic fringe of the Sahara invite themselves amongst Imragen in order to follow a cure by eating boiled or dried fish and fish oil. Since this Bedouin and Muslim society considers that only ruminant or wild land animal meat is good to eat, mullet consumption constitutes an exception. The aim of this contribution is precisely to scrutinize this exception and the way it is culturally constructed and socially “managed”. What makes this meat and its consumption an exception? What kind of cultural adjustments mullet consumption has obliged to make? In a recent context of protection of the Banc d'Arguin area and overfishing, has the mullet locally preserved its singular status?

Ferret C. 2010. — Hippophiles et hippophages. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 115-135.

Horse-eaters and horse-lovers

At the North-Eastern extremity of the Turkic-speaking world, in Eastern Siberia, the Yakuts have adapted the steppe pastoral system to the environment of taiga and its strikingly harsh climate. Horse husbandry is extremely extensive and mainly devoted to food production. In response to F. Poplin's paper (1992) Le cheval, viande honteuse [Horse Flesh, a Shameful Meat], I insist on the lack of any horse-eating taboo among Yakuts and its consequences on the consumption of horse meat (all parts are eaten, fat and offal being particularly important), as well as on how meat is displayed and shared. Finally I draw a comparison between horse and pig and between horse and cow among Yakut and French people. In Yakutia, horse is situated at a “good distance” from man: thus, it can be eaten, and no contradiction exists between eating horse meat and loving horses.

Lizet B. 2010. — Le cheval français en morceaux. Statut de l'animal, statut de sa viande.Anthropozoologica 45(1): 137-148.

French horse in pieces. Status of the animal, status of its meat

The question of the status of the horse in France and its meat is approached from two recent events, the deployment of a communication policy and the effort to build a livestock local butcher in the cradle land of the Breton race draft. At first surprising, these two initiatives are due to the difficult situation of French industry hippophagy doubly constrained by excessive closeness between horse and men and by regulating more and more strict on food security and animal welfare. Both events proved closely related, but in a contradictory fashion. Behind the screen of sustainable development and recovery of a heritage breed regional landscape and rural occupations, the reality is that of a deep global industry.

Vandenberg V. 2010. — Choosing human flesh? A few medieval peculiarities and the debates of contemporary research. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 149-155.

For more than thirty years now, the research field of cannibalism has known many interesting developments and even sometimes a few bitter arguments. Far from intending to settle the matter, I would just like here to bring up a few medieval elements that could shed a new light on the long tradition and fascination with cannibalism in the West. The complex issue of survival cannibalism illustrates the particular meaning of the theme in a Christian context, while the case of a cannibal king of England underlines the possible existence of “good” cannibals. Such is also the conclusion when examining the strange story of a Christian Saint drinking the blood of her martyr children. But the most “usual” cannibal cannot be avoided, he who dwells in the most remote regions of the known world. A glance through the late medieval description of the world written by John of Mandeville shows how much cannibalism was a common feature of some barely known or completely imaginary people. Thus are created the different categories of cannibalism still widely used today (culinary, funerary, warfare, exo- and endocannibalism), long before Columbus knew of the Cariba.

Serra Mallol Ch. 2010. — Manger du chien à Tahiti: une affirmation identitaire? Anthropozoologica 45(1): 157-172.

Eating dog in Tahiti: an identary affirmation?

The scarcity of ground animals, the symbolic importance conferred on red meat, and the social stratification marked by numerous food prohibitions, made of the dog a choice food in the whole of the pre-European Polynesian area. Sacrificial food intended in offering for the gods and for ceremonial consumption, support of rites of exchanges and conciliation, reserved for the elite of the ancient society, its consumption was raised in Tahiti by the first Europeans in contact before being deconsecrated by the English and French missionaries. In spite of the numerous changes which marked the evolution of French Polynesia during the last two centuries, and the depreciation of dog as food, the consumption of dog is occasional today but always presents among local population. A survey on food habits and representations led in urban zone of Tahiti and Moorea allowed to bring to light the durability of periodic consumption of dog meat on behalf of specific social groups. The preparation of a dish for base of dog makes the object of reasoned choice by the animal intended to be shot down, of a preliminary preparation and a particular mode of cooking, and of an original mode of culinary preparation. Disapproved by the population of metropolitan origin and by the public authorities, dog meat constitutes one of the ethnic gustative markers in the foundation of ma'ohi identity in reconstruction.

Delavigne A.-É. 2010. — La viande ordinaire et « l'extra »: le goût contre les normes. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 173-184.

Meat production and butchers' role: tastes and standards

In the more general current context of standardization of the production of meat and transformation of the qualities required for it, this article confront the practices and the representations of ordinary and exceptional meat throught a field work carried out in France among oldest wholesale and slaughterer butchers: what do they consider as an exceptional meat?

Milliet J. & Brisebarre A.-M. 2010. — Entre sécurité alimentaire, éthique et peur : premiers jalons d'une recherche anthropologique sur la viande issue d'animaux clonés. Anthropozoologica 45(1): 185-198.

Between food safety, ethics and fear: foundation for Anthropological Research on meat from cloned animals

In March 2007 the American Food and Drug Administration (FDA) announced the innocuousness of cloned animal meat, as well as from its offspring. Thus, concerning the possible utilization of cloned animal meat in human consumption, the Commission of Brussels had requested the advice of the Commission de Brussels of the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) and of the European Group on ethics in sciences and new technologies in the European commission (EGE). In January 2008, the press reported the “discomfort” felt by Brussels in aligning itself practically with the American position, at the same time as EGE did not see any justification in “the production of food from cloned animals and their offspring”, emphasizing “the suffering caused to pregnant animals and to cloned animals”. A Eurobarometer survey was launched to collect the opinion of consumers from twenty seven European countries, with results published in October 2008.

For this research, we have used articles, reports and the advice of experts and specialists (veterinarians, breeders, etc.), and the results of the Eurobarometer survey. We have also followed the debates and reactions generated by the eventuality of the production and the marketing of this “new meat”, as well as the very question of its acceptability by European consumers.