The plant species Salvia hispanica L. has a long history of plant-human interaction. This study defines the human-selected morphological characters associated with domestication of S. hispanica and presents a review of ethnobotanical and historical information pertaining to the human selection forces that resulted in changes in morphology. The compiled ethnobotanical information for S. hispanica is applied to the framework of the hypothetical ecological-evolutionary continuum of plant-human interactions, highlighting the contributions of ethnobotanical data to our understanding of plant domestication processes.

Archaeobiologists and ecologists have a long-standing interest in how best to estimate the number of species in an assemblage (past or present) with limited samples. The sampling to redundancy method for evaluating species richness and diversity is a well established approach for assessing sample adequacy and has been used by archaeologists for various classes of remains. In a recent article in this journal, Lyman and Ames (2004) explore the utility of this method for zooarchaeological specimens. In this note, we discuss some fundamental issues associated with the sampling to redundancy method, and make some recommendations for using this method to evaluate richness and diversity of archaeobiological assemblages.

We worked with Iskatewizaagegan (Anishinaabe) elders to create a holistic representation of their plant knowledge as well as a more standard ethnobotanical system of classification. In order to understand the holistic approach, chosen by elders to represent their plant knowledge, it was necessary to understand the ontology, epistemology and phenomenology of plant knowledge. This is explored through an examination of the ethnobotanical data, collected in 2000 and 2001, as a system of classification that includes the processes of classification, nomenclature, and identification. In conclusion, we propose that elders emphasize a holistic ethnobotany since they believe plant knowledge resides in the plants of a place and the relationships between persons and plants of that place. This leads to the conclusion that a critical factor in perpetuating knowledge over time, and between generations, is the ongoing creation of relationships through land-based activities.

An ethnobotanical study was carried out in the Portuguese Serra do Açor, situated in the center region of Portugal amid the Serra da Estrela and the Serra da Lousa mountains, between January and June 2003. This work was based on 60 interviews with 30 inhabitants from 12 villages of this mountain chain who were acquainted with the uses of its vegetation. Information about 14 taxa with toxic, ichthyotoxic, insect-repellent, and bee-attractant uses was compiled, including their vernacular names, toxic principles, parts used, and preparations.

Contending that a significant portion of current ethnobiological research continues to overlook cultural variation in traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and practice, this paper explores the potential impacts of gender-imbalanced research on data collection, hypothesis testing, and the formulation and application of ethnobiological inventories and theories. A multidisciplinary review of over 220 studies addresses commonly held stereotypes underlying gender-imbalanced field research and demonstrates the need for more inclusive, finely-tuned studies which disaggregate indigenous knowledge and practice by gender. The paper outlines factors underlying gender-based spatial and temporal variation in ecosystem exposure and traditional ecological knowledge in rural societies worldwide, and discusses how these factors contribute to gender differences in wild food harvesting, biodiversity and agrobiodiversity maintenance, natural resource management, and the transmission and conservation of sacred and secular customs. The review concludes with suggestions for designing and implementing more inclusive research.

The richness of common names of Brazilian marine fishes was studied based on a sample of 725 species, covering 67% of all marine fishes recorded in Brazil. The richness of names is considerable (mean  =  six common names per species) and is positively related to commercial importance and habitat type, with more names associated with exploited or reef-associated, pelagic, and demersal species. No names were associated with bathypelagic, bathydemersal, and benthopelagic fishes. This richness, while culturally and linguistically interesting, poses a problem for national catch statistics. Some species such as Aspistor quadriscutis, Cathorops spixii, and Genidens genidens were not listed in the catch statistics, but may have been caught for a long time without being recorded. Catches of Sardinella brasiliensis may be higher than what was officially reported, only due to the use of different common names. This may contribute to slow down the recovery process of this collapsed stock. Any attempt to assess the relative impact of different fishing sectors (subsistence, artisanal, industrial, and recreational) on the ecosystem will be undermined by the incomplete understanding of the connection between folk and scientific nomenclature. This issue is even more pervasive when each sector uses its own common name to describe the same species.